Rajoy scandal threatens political rupture - FT.com
By David Gardner
Finance allegations have several precedents
The avalanche of slush fund allegations threatening to engulf the ruling
Popular party of Mariano Rajoy is only the latest in a long line of
illegal party financing cases in Spain, after the restoration of
democracy in 1977 brought with it the expensive inconvenience of regular
elections.
In the mid-1990s, there was the Filesa scam whereby the then-ruling
Socialists collected large corporate donations for fictitious
consultancy work not carried out by dummy firms. The scandal helped
bring down the government of Felipe González, which had already been
weakened by revelations of its involvement in death squads sent against
Basque separatists, and the attrition of four terms in office.
The current, so-called Bárcenas case, which centres on the purported
secret accounts kept by former PP treasurer Luis Bárcenas that detail
covert donations and cash payments allegedly made to senior party
figures including Mr Rajoy, is in the same league.
The Bárcenas documents, published last week by El País, date back to
1990 when the PP had just been taken over by José María Aznar, the
former prime minister. The party was busy dodging another case involving
a treasurer charged with receiving illegal donations from a
construction company. That case was eventually dismissed by the Supreme
Court on a technicality.
But another slush fund scandal now grinding through Spain’s labyrinthine
courts, the co-called Gürtel case that has ensnared PP regional barons
as well as Mr Bárcenas, may corroborate some of the new allegations.
Documents in the Gürtel investigation, for example, exactly replicate
one of the payments in the Bárcenas ledger. Several PP officials have
confirmed payments to them in the Bárcenas dossier did take place.
The increasingly baroque Gürtel tale also revealed that the former party
treasurer, appointed by Mr Rajoy, had €22m in an undeclared Swiss bank
account
Mr Rajoy has stoutly denied receiving or handing out “black money”.
Reluctant to answer questions before Spain’s parliament or press, he
muddied the waters at a press conference in Berlin on Monday alongside
Angela Merkel, Germany’s chancellor, describing claims made in the
Bárcenas papers as “false, except for the odd case”.
The prime minister’s main line of defence – that he and his colleagues
will now publish their tax returns – does not really address the
substance of the allegations. If any of them were receiving covert
funds, why would they advertise this in their annual income
declarations?
There are similarities between today’s scandals and the Filesa affair
two decades ago – not least that Filesa netted the Socialists nearly
€15m in today’s money. But the differences are more important – and more
dangerous.
In the mid-’90s, a new generation of the centre-right PP was ready to
take over from the tired and tarnished Socialists. Now, a PP back in
power for barely a year risks implosion, but the Socialists, demoralised
and divided regionally as well as ideologically, are in retreat.
If elections were to take place now, Spain could face Greek-style
political fragmentation, with the two main parties reduced to something
like the diminished size of Greece’s conservative New Democracy and
former prime minister George Papandreou’s Pasok (which, like the PP,
also had a recently won absolute majority).
Two decades ago Spaniards were enamoured of Europe. Now, amid the
compound devastation wrought by the fiscal, banking and euro crises, the
EU is “like a wicked stepmother”, one Spanish analyst says.
Relentless austerity makes recent revelations, battering institutions
from the monarchy to the judiciary, particularly odious to many
Spaniards.
The monarchy’s ability to unite the country is diminished. King Juan
Carlos turned out to be on safari in Africa as the crisis started to
bite, and an embezzlement scandal has enveloped his son-in-law, Iñaki
Urdangarin, due in court on Wednesday to post €8m in bail.
The highly politicised judiciary has been tarnished after its former
head, Carlos Dívar, was forced out last year when a colleague denounced
anomalies in his expenses. Factionalism among the judges was also behind
the suspension last year of Baltasar Garzón, Spain’s most celebrated
crusading magistrate, who had been investigating the Gürtel scandal.
Still, it is worth recalling it took six years for the courts to
pronounce on Filesa. By then, voters had already given their verdict,
ejecting the Socialists at the ballot box
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